The Front de libération du Québec (FLQ; English: Quebec Liberation Front) was a separatist paramilitary group in Quebec. The FLQ released a list of demands for Cross's release. "Why Terrorism Subsides: A Comparative Study of Canada and the United States". Shortly afterwards, on October 10, the Chénier Cell kidnapped the Minister of Labour and Vice-Premier of Quebec, Pierre Laporte. Cyr Delisle, Gilles Brunet, Marcel Tardif, François Schirm, and Edmond Guenette, the five members arrested in connection with the deaths of Leslie MacWilliams and Alfred Pinisch, workers at the store, were sentenced to life in prison. [2] Founded in the early 1960s, it militantly supported the Quebec sovereignty movement. The events of October 1970 contributed to the loss of support for violent means to attain Quebec independence, and increased support for a political party, the Parti Québécois, which took power in 1976. The group was recruited among various sources, eventually recruiting one Mario Bachand. TRAC is in no way attempting to determine whether groups or individuals are terrorists -- only to convey reported information about their activities and official State status. Members and sympathizers of the group were called "Felquistes" (French pronunciation: ​[fɛlˈkist]), a word coined from the French pronunciation of the letters FLQ. Jacques Lanctôt is credited by Michael McLoughlin, author of Last Stop, Paris: The Assassination of Mario Bachand and the Death of the FLQ, with writing the FLQ Manifesto during the prelude to the October Crisis. In December 1971, Pierre Vallières emerged after three years in hiding to announce that he was joining the PQ. Canada's Prime Minister Pierre Elliot Trudeau, in his statement to the press during the October Crisis, admitted that the radicalism occurring in Quebec at this time had bred out of social unease due to imperfect legislation. The words "Quebec Libre" and the letters "FLQ" are written on the official residence of Quebec Lieutenant Governor, Paul Comtois. Please write [email protected] or hit the "SUBMIT ADDITIONS" button on the page of the group profile about which you wish to comment. For multiple users rates contact TRAC. By August 1966, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) had arrested many FLQ members. During the police strike of 1969, the "Taxi Liberation Front", a creation of the "Popular Liberation Front", which was itself the creation of Jacques Lanctôt and Marc Carbonneau, killed a police officer. Multiple harmless bomb threats are received throughout the province of Quebec. On October 15, 1970, more than 3,000 students attended a protest rally in favour of the FLQ. It was active between 1963 and 1970, and was regarded as a terrorist organization for its violent methods of action,[3][4] although some historians also regard some of its members as "idealists" while the provincial police considered them "amateurs". On December 13, 1970, Pierre Vallières announced in Le Journal that he had terminated his association with the FLQ. The story was still quoted in the 1990s, even among academic authors.[22]. In 1966 Revolutionary Strategy and the Role of the Avant-Garde was prepared by the FLQ, outlining their long-term strategy of successive waves of robberies, violence, bombings, and kidnappings, culminating in revolution. TRAC Analysis: Ideology Separatist / New Regime Nationalist / Ethnic Nationalist , Political Responses to Terrorism: Kashmir , Left Wing Terrorist Groups (Marxist) In 1963, Gabriel Hudon and Raymond Villeneuve were sentenced to 12 years in prison after their bomb killed Wilfred O'Neill, a watchman at Montreal's Canadian Army Recruitment Centre. Historical Introduction, by Mitch Abidor. the prisoners were to be taken to the Montreal airport and supplied a copy of the FLQ Manifesto. Laporte was coming from a meeting with others, discussing the demands of the FLQ. By June 1, 1963, eight members of the FLQ were arrested in a surprise raid. The operation was so successful that Canada's prime minister believed that the CIA had conducted operations in Canada. Pour bien comprendre les motivations, les frustrations et la raison d'être de ce mouvement de révolution, quoi de mieux que de leur donner la parole. 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